A: Ethnic Relations and German Racism in Lawrence

       Although the German-born immigrants were the dominant foreign-language group in Lawrence, they were not the only ones. Swedish, Danish, French, Italian, British, Irish, and African-American people also settled in the little town by the Kansas River. Like the Germans, these groups were attracted by economic opportunities. The construction of the railroads and the industrialization of the town presented a number of occupational opportunities. A number of Swedish people were brought into town by Anders Palm, a native of Sweden who, together with John Wilder, made plans to construct a windmill. In 1863, Palm returned to Sweden to hire experienced workmen for their project, and came back with seven to ten Swedes who built the windmill.| #1 | Others were attracted by the wide-spread advertising by the Board of Immigration and the railroads. By 1875, Lawrence's population was made up of 5,682 native-born white males and females, 996 foreign-born, and 1,592 black people. Ten years later, in 1885, the population had risen to 10,899 which included 1,009 foreigners and 2,023 black men and women.

       All ethnic and racial groups tried to make themselves at home and , therefore, soon established churches and social clubs. By 1862, African-Americans had already established four churches in town, and all congregations had constructed church buildings by the 1870s.| #2 | The Swedish immigrants established the Swedish Lutheran Church in 1869. In 1884, the congregation had enough money to built a church on the present day Tenth block of Connecticut Street. Until the early 1900s, Swedish was used in the services. Later, they switched to English. A women's club called the Nordens-Vanner (Friends of the North) was connected to the church. In 1910, the building was sold and the church disbanded. The remaining members joined the English Lutheran Church, now Trinity Lutheran Church. Furthermore, Lawrence had a Scandinavian Society where Swedes and Danes had the opportunity to socialize.| #3 |

       Historical information suggests that Lawrence Germans were on good terms with the Scandinavians. Mainly Lutheran, most Swedes and Germans shared similar religious values. Some Swedes, such as Herbert Anderson and Julius Erickson, had retail stores on Massachusetts Street where Swedes and Germans shared similar experiences. The friendly feelings for each other are also demonstrated by Scandinavians and Germans sharing some social activities together. On July 22, 1879, The Lawrence Daily Journal reported about the dedication of the Turner Hall in Topeka which was attended by the Lawrence Turners. The article went on:

Three full coaches left the city about 8'clock Sunday morning all bound for Topeka. Among them were 21 men and 14 women from the Scandinavian Society, a large number who belonged to no society, and the Turners themselves.| #4 |

       The number of British and Irish immigrants in Lawrence was relatively small in comparison to Lawrence's Germans. Their immigration experience was different because they did not face the same language barrier as other European groups. English-speaking immigrants could more easily find jobs with American merchants, and attend English-speaking churches which led to a quicker Americanization process. Generally, Irish and British immigrants also shared their love for beer with their German neighbors which bound both groups closer together.

       The relationship between Germans and African-Americans in Lawrence, on the other hand, seems to have been much more difficult. Newspaper articles of the time suggests that German-Americans expressed racist attitudes toward African-Americans. An article printed in Historic Times, an African-American newspaper, on September 26, 1891, described discrimination against African-Americans by William Wiedemann, the owner of an ice-cream parlor and candy manufacture on Massachusetts Street. The writer of the item started:

On Massachusetts Street, about the center of the commercial arena, there is a confectionery establishment owned and operated by one William M. Wiedemann, who has set himself up as the Moses of Negro-haters, whose most delightful mission is to insult intelligent colored people who per chance drop into his shop to purchase ice-cream or eat his sweet meats.| #5 |

The article further described how African-American citizens not only felt insulted but also were forbidden to sit in the ice-cream parlor itself.

       Other articles in Die Germania further suggest that many of Lawrence's Germans were racists. In 1880, the editor of the paper printed an article which discussed the "Migration of southern Blacks to northern Cities." The writer explained that southern Blacks who migrated to northern cities endangered the economic position of white immigrants by working for less money. The author concluded his statement by encouraging northern workers to vote against Black migration in the next election. He wrote, Seid ihr klug, dann stimmt ihr so dass die Schwarzen bleiben wo sie sind.| #6 |

       Racist statements repeatedly occurred in the paper. On March 17, 1887, for example, the following sarcastic statement appeared:

Eine grosse Anzahl Neger ist letzte Woche im Fluss getauft worden und die armen Kansas City'er, welche dieses Wasser trinken muessen, sind zu bedauern.| #7 |

       It can certainly not be generalized that all Germans in Lawrence were racists. Fred Barteldes, for example, and a number of other merchants employed African-American men in his seed company. That Die Germania printed those articles over a time-period of ten years, suggests that nobody openly opposed those statements. In later years, racist statements became less pronounced.

       Nevertheless, crimes committed by black citizens were always reported in detail in the German-language paper which created the impression that African-American citizens of Lawrence were more criminal and dangerous than white citizens. Why Germans were so hostile against African-Americans is not quite clear. Ronald Bayor in his study Neighbors in Conflict, has pointed out that, "a struggle over interests and values" lay on the bottom of every ethnic conflict. A key element in initiating these conflicts was a sense of threat."| #8 | In Lawrence, the economic and social position of Germans was never threatened by African-Americans. Most Germans entered Lawrence as skilled craftsmen and, therefore, had a clear advantage over African-Americans who were mainly unskilled. Therefore, the conflict might have been based on different religious values. Two of the four African-American churches were Baptist, and one was a Methodist church. Traditionally, Baptists and Methodists opposed German beer-drinking habits and Sunday celebrations which might have created conflicts between both groups. Although Germans entered the Union army to fight for the eventual liberation of slaves, more work needs to be done to explore the relationship between Germans and African-Americans. In Lawrence, German-Americans appeared to have been on good terms with other European ethnic groups, but had considerable difficulties with the African-Americans of the community.

B: When Kansas went Dry: Prohibition in Lawrence

       When on November 2, 1880, Kansas citizens were asked to vote whether Kansas would become a "dry" or "wet" state, the discussion was not new to Lawrence residents. As early as 1855-56, citizens of Lawrence and Topeka established local temperance societies to fight against liquor. Only a few years later, in 1861, prohibitionists organized the State Temperance Society. The organization favored total abstinence and urged its members to organize auxiliary societies, and labor for a law that would prohibit the sale of alcohol in Kansas.| #9 | In 1880, the Prohibitionists finally succeeded when the Kansas State Legislature passed a law which prohibited the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors, except for medical, scientific and mechanical purposes. A druggist permit issued by a probate judge, was needed to sell liquor only by prescription. Penalties for the violation of the law resulted in fines ranging from $100 to $500, or thirty days in the county jail.| #10 |

       The question of prohibition divided the Germans of Lawrence into two camps. Generally, Germans regarded beer as their traditional beverage, and part of their culture. A number of German-Americans in Lawrence had established their financial existence as brewers and saloon-keepers on the manufacture or retail of liquors. In 1868-9, for example, six out of twelve saloons in Lawrence were operated by German-born citizens. German Methodists and Mennonites, on the other hand, rejected German beer-drinking customs, and favored Prohibition because they connected moral issues to the question of alcohol. This conflict was not easily solved, and caused a number of disturbances not only between the American Prohibitionists and Germans, but also within the German-community itself.

       A months before the vote on the temperance amendment, the issue was discussed in the newspapers. On September 23, 1880, Die Germania printed an editorial that reviewed the debate, and suggested moderation and self-control as a resolution to the problem. If every citizen knew where to stop, then alcohol was no problem. The writer further complained that all Germans were generally criticized for their love for beer, but that the critics would not distinguish between "drunken rascals" (versoffene Lumpen) and "respectable citizens" (achtsame Buerger).| #11 |

       On November 2, 1880, the voters approved prohibition; Kansas had gone dry. Two days after the election, Die Germania commented on the outcome of the vote. The editor reported on how voters had been intimidated by the "Temperance-women" (Temparenz-Weiber) so that they would give their vote to them. Additionally, editor Oehrle expressed his surprise that a great number of Eudora residents, a primarily German settlement, had also voted for, instead of against, the law.

       The month after the law was passed, the newspapers were filled with news on the enforcement of the law and arrest notices. Many liquor-dealers and brewers throughout the state ignored the law and kept on producing and selling beer, wine and hard liquors. On February 3, 1881, Die Germania reported the arrest of four saloon-keepers in town who had broken the law, and sold liquors to their customers without a permit. Two of them, Henry Martin and Charles Achning, were German-American citizens.

       The conflict between prohibitionists and anti-prohibitionists was often reflected in the articles of Die Germania. On December 2, 1880, for example, the paper printed a threatening letter and the reply of its receiver. In the threatening letter which was directed at Henry Frey, the owner of a wagon-maker-supply store on Massachusetts Street, the writers accused Frey:

Wir vernehemen, dass Du Deine Nase in unsere Sache steckst und dem Marshall Zeugen zur Ueberfuehrung von Schankwirten nennst. Wir wollen es verstanden wissen, dass Du Dich an unseren Rechten vergreifst, und wir es nicht dulden werden.| #12 |

       Frequently, the Kansas State Temperance Union reported on the success and advantages of the dry-law in Kansas. In 1889, for example, they published a pamphlet called Prohibition in Kansas: Facts, Not Opinions. Here, they celebrated their achievements in the following way:

A great reform has certainly been accomplished in Kansas. Intemperance is steady and surely decreased. In thousands of homes where want and wretchedness and suffering were once familiar guests, plenty, happiness and contentment now abide.| #13 |

In their publications they pointed to the moral and economic development of Kansas. Statistics and personal testimonies on how the crime rate and poverty had declined, and peace and social order had been restored built the nucleus of their writings.

       German-Americans, known for their love to beer, were generally the target of prohibitionists attacks. Many individual Germans, but also the Turnverein, openly voiced their opinion that they disproved of the law because it restricted their personal freedom, and cut deeply into German culture. Nevertheless, the Turnverein managed to conceal that they served beer at the hall from the eyes of prohibitionists for a number of years until they were accused of breaking the law. Since the Turnverein was an exclusive club and only members who generally shared the same views on Prohibition were permitted into the basement, they could hide their activities from the public. Not until 1884 was Karl Fischer, the bartender at the Turnverein, arrested for serving liquor. Although the bartender was asked to appear in court, the charges were filed against the Turnverein. The court fined Turners $250 for breaking the law.| #14 | Since the beergarden and the bar had important social functions, Turners were very protective of their privacy. In her book, Wonderful Old Lawrence, Elfriede Fischer Rowe remembered that:

One day, word reached Lawrence that Carry Nation was due to make a visit. Great preparations were made at Turner Hall for her reception should she invade their privacy with her hatchet to destroy their bar. A garden hose was attached near the bar. It was planned when she approached the bar, the bartender would turn on the hose full force and drench her. Fortunately for all concerned, when she arrived in Lawrence, Turner Hall was not on her itinerary.| #15 |

       One of the loudest voices in opposing the prohibition movement was John Walruff, the owner of the Lawrence Brewery. The Lawrence Brewery had been part of Lawrence's business life since 1867, when it was established by Christian Joseph Walruff, an experienced brewer and native of Prussia. The business went splendidly until Walruff's bath house caught fire and destroyed the building in 1870. To restore the brewery, Christian Walruff asked his older brother, John, for financial help. John Walruff had established himself in Ottawa, Kansas, where he was one of the founders of the First National Bank in Ottawa. He invested $50,000 into the Lawrence brewery operation and became a silent partner.| #16 |

       The new brewery was a three-story building. Two floors of the facility accommodated a drinking parlor where Walruff's beer was sold on tap for five cents a glass. The beergarden which stretched over five acres offered swings, lawn bowling, strolling peacocks, and a shooting gallery. John Buch's Military Band also played at the brewery on weekends. In 1872, John Walruff assumed complete ownership of the brewery while his brother Christian ran the Delmonico Restaurant on Massachusetts Street. By that time, Walruff already had a monopoly on the Lawrence beer market which included twenty-three saloons and five wholesale liquor dealers. Furthermore, he was shipping his beer south to every railroad station on the Leavenworth, Lawrence, and Galveston Railroad Line.| #17 | According to David Dary,

by 1879, the Lawrence Brewery was perhaps the largest brewery in eastern Kansas. Volume reached about five thousand barrels that year. Walruff had to make buying trips to Iowa and Nebraska to obtain enough barely to make beer. He annually bought all the barley raised in the Lawrence area, but the supply locally was not sufficient for his needs. he required more than thirteen thousand bushels a year.| #18 |

When the prohibitionist-movement in Kansas gained strength, Walruff joined the anti-prohibitionist group in Topeka called the "People's Grand Protective Union." He was elected vice-president of the organization which opposed the proposed prohibition law.| #19 |

       After the passage of the prohibition law, Walruff's business was threatened because his activities suddenly became illegal. To adjust to the situation, Walruff announced shortly after the passage of the law that he was brewing a new medical beer which was legal under the new regulations. This worked well until Walruff was denounced by a wife whose husband got drunk on Walruff's medical beer. When John Walruff learned that a warrant had been issued against him, he left the state. Luckily, the case was soon dismissed because of insufficient evidence, and he returned to Lawrence. A few months later, he was arrested again. His lawyer ,George Barker, was elected county attorney and prosecuted his client instead of defending him. Walruff served a light jail sentence and paid his fine.

       Still, Walruff did not stop brewing beer. Although he sold the brewery to his son August and his son-in-law John Isemann in 1883 for $80,000, he did not give up his campaign against the prohibition law. In 1885, John Walruff petitioned the court to grant him a permit to brew beer for medical, scientific and mechanical purposes. This request was refused because by than he had gained a reputation as radical anti-prohibitionist. Furthermore, a temperance injunction closed his brewery in the fall on 1885. Walruff carried his case to the federal court in Topeka where Judge Brewer decided that although the state had a right to close the brewery, it had not compensated Walruff for his loss in property value. Therefore, he ordered the injunction to be lifted again. Walruff celebrated his victory with friends and supporters. According to Cindy Higgins, the Lawrence Tribune reported in 1886:

Public sentiment is largely in his favor. His patronage in this city is immense. His wagons deliver thousands of bottles of beer to hundreds of the best families of the city. Thousands of gallons of his beer are sent all over the state. The more he is enjoined, arrested, and fined, the more his business increased. His brewery is the best advertised business in the State of Kansas. John Walruff [sic] has gained a national repetition.| #20 |

       But Walruff's battle went on. Again charged with violating the prohibition law, John Walruff, his son and son-in-law left the state. John Walruff was apprehended in Missouri in 1887, and brought back to Lawrence where he paid a $25,000 bond. In the same year, the case reached the United State Supreme Court where Walruff lost his case. According to David Dary: "The court revised the lower court's decision, saying that the state was not depriving the defendants of their property but merely abating a nuisance and prohibiting the injurious use of that property."| #21 |

       Walruff finally was forced to close his brewery and moved to Weston, Missouri, where he and his son became the owners of the Georgian Brewery. He later moved to Kansas City and opened a butcher and restaurant supply business. The building of the brewery in Lawrence was used as a tanning factory until it was torn down in 1964 to make room for a trailer park.| #22 |

       The prohibition law in Kansas put pressure on the German-Americans in Lawrence which divided as well as united the community. German Methodists and dutiful German-American citizens joined the prohibitionists in their quest against the manufacture and sale of liquor. Traditional Germans and Turnverein members, on the other hand, tried to hang on to their old customs and were bound together by their opposition to the law. The acceptance of the law can also be seen as a further sign of assimilation, whereas the rejection of the temperance law shows the connection to traditional behavior. To obey the law meant the acceptance of a new set of values regarding the position of alcohol in social life. According to traditional German customs, beer and wine were socially accepted beverages. They were served to relatives and friends at social functions. Beer halls or local taverns were traditional social centers in every community. Here news was exchanged, business was conducted, politics were discussed, and so forth. Furthermore, the production of beer and wine was an important industry for many regions in Germany. The Rhine/Main area has always been famous for the production of wine. The success of local breweries, together with the achievements of local soccer teams, have been important for the creation of local identities.

       Additionally, the production of beer and wine has led to the composition of beer songs, the annual election and celebration of Germany's wine queen, and the production of beer mugs. All this is closely connected to the beer and wine tradition. Rejecting the beverages themselves meant also the rejection of the culture connected with it. Traditional Germans and the Turnverein opposed Prohibition in Kansas because it meant not only the dismissal of beer and wine, but also the rejection of the culture in which its production and consumption were inbedded. German-Americans who were ready to join prohibitionists showed that they had already distanced themselves from the values attached to beer-and wine-cultures. German anti-prohibitionists demonstrated that they were still closely connected to these German ethics. German anti-prohibitionists in Lawrence learned to live with the restriction and found ways to avoid the law. Nevertheless, it divided German-Americans into two opposing groups: the ones who were more American than German, and the ones who were were still more German than American.

C: Second-Generation German-Americans in Lawrence

      Prohibition was forced upon the German-Americans of Lawrence by law from the outside. A more serious problem began to emerge from inside the community when second-generation German-Americans became less interested in their parents' ethnic backgrounds. Born in the United States, most second-generation German-Americans were United States' citizens by heart as well as by law. The clash of interests caused problems which threatened the survival of the German community and its institutions.

       In a small town like Lawrence, the assimilation of second-generation German-Americans occured even faster than in cities which had a large German population. A large German community could offer German day schools, complete German neighborhoods, German business centers, many different German social clubs, and so forth. In a small town where only one out of ten residents was German born, it was more difficult to live completely with a German community. Therefore, contacts with the dominant culture and a faster assimilation process could not be prevented. In a few cases, it might have been possible for German parents to keep their children away from American influences while they were young. If German was spoken at home, then that would be the first language children would understand and speak. But even before children entered school, they realized that there was another language spoken outside their homes. Since Germans were not confined to one neighborhood, the children met American neighbors, followed their parents into American stores and heard the English-language. Even if parents had managed to keep their children in a mainly German environment, as soon as German-American children entered school, they realized that they spoke another language, and perhaps behaved differently than other children.

       Children of ethnic parents comprehended very soon that they differed from the mainstream. Their language problems made it hard for them to make American friends and follow instruction in class. Elfriede Fischer Rowe, the author of Wonderful Old Lawrence, herself recalls the problems her oldest sister had when she started school. The Fischer family only spoke German at home until their oldest daughter entered the first grade. The parents realized that their children would have problems if they did not speak English and, therefore, they used English at home, although the father himself continued to speak German with his German customers in his shoe-store.| #23 | German children in school soon got the nickname the "Dutch-boy or Dutch-girl." Miss.. Achning, one daughter of Charles Achning, recalled that when her brother Ralph "started school he had problems because of his poor English. Therefore, the two younger brothers were told not to speak German" and all three gave it up.| #24 | Leonard Dinnerstein and David Reimers have pointed out that "the first generation of immigrants retained their native language or became bilingual. Their children and grandchildren lost the old language and spoke only English."| #25 | The breaking away from the German language alarmed some parents who wanted their children to speak German. Agnes Uhrlaub remembered that "the children in her family were fined a penny for every word of English at the table." Nevertheless, the parents were not able to keep up this practice.| #26 |

       Several times, the community tried to set up a German school. Die Germania constantly reported about the opening or closing of "a German school." Most ethnic schools in the United States were connected to a church organization. Therefore, it is not surprising that one can find notices of the German Methodist Church which advertized that "sixty to seventy children come together every Sunday to learn to read German and to learn about the word of God."| #27 | It can be assumed that the Lutheran Church did likewise, although no records have been found. There were also many attempts to set up German schools which were independent of any religious affiliation. In 1884, for example, one can find a notice in Die Germania that the members of the Turnverein offered German classes on Saturdays which were free for children of members, while non-members paid 50 cents for the first child and 25 cents for every other per month. Children between six and fifteen were instructed in reading and writing on weekends. In 1884, the school counted twenty-eight students.| #28 | It is uncertain how long this school lasted. In 1886, another German school was advertised in the paper; two weeks later yet another noticed appeared for another German school. It is very likely that German schools were opened and closed very rapidly since the number of German pupils was relatively small. The preservation of German was not successful among second-generation German-Americans. Diane Dawis who conducted interviews with a number of first-and second-generation German-Americans in Lawrence concluded that "those of the second generation rarely have more linguistic ability with German than a few words or phrases, though they may at one time have spoken it to their grandparents."| #29 |

       Second-generation German-Americans were proud to be Americans and tried to distance themselves from their ethnic backgrounds. Ralph Achning, the son of Charles Achning who owned a hardware store on Massachusetts Street in the later part of the nineteenth century, defended his American identity and rejected his German background as a young boy. His sister remembered that "when German farmers spoke German to him in the store he would answer them in English. He once criticized a German minister who addressed him in German. He told him to be proud to be an American and to speak English. From that time on the minister spoke only German to him."| #30 | This anecdote illustrates the conflict between first-and second-generation German-Americans. The first generation tried to hold on to the language and the second refused to speak it.

       Assimilation in smaller towns happened more quickly than in metropolitan areas or rural areas with large ethnic populations. That is not only the case with second-generation immigrants but also with first- generation immigrants. In Lawrence, even first-generation German-Americans did not have the chance to withdraw in German neighborhoods or German business centers. There were pockets where German life was dominant, such as the German Lutheran Church or the Turnverein, but their members also came into regular contact with American culture through schools, neighbors, merchants, doctors, lawyers, and so forth. The number of German-born immigrants in Lawrence was too small to create their own separate community. Everyone interacted and cooperated with each other. Businessmen and craftsmen were dependent on American clients for financial success. The small numbers of Germans was not enough to climb the social ladder. Therefore, a number of them joined English -speaking churches, social clubs and political parties. These organizations had mixed memberships which helped even first-generation German-Americans to assimilate. It is therefore not surprising that second-generation immigrants were even less concerned about preserving their German backgrounds.

       Another common factor in determining assimilation is intermarriage. Dinnerstein and Reimers have noted that "for the first generation ... intermarriage outside the ethnic group was rare. Many of the immigrants ... even returned to their mother land to find a spouse."| #31 | This common pattern can also be found among first-generation German-Americans in Lawrence. The majority of Lawrence's first-generation German-Americans entered town in a family unit. Some men sent for their sweethearts back in Germany, as in the case of the Albert family. Others married first-generation German immigrants in other states before they moved to Lawrence, such as John Walruff, for example, who married Elizabeth Dietrich in Chicago. According to the 1860 census records, 16 out of a total number of 23 families in Lawrence were headed by parents who were both born in a German-speaking country. Fifteen years later, in 1875, 72 German families out of 101 still had two German partners.

       Second-generation German-Americans in Lawrence were more likely to marry partners from non-German backgrounds than their parents. Having grown up in Lawrence, most of them spoke English fluently. Since German children went to school with American peers, they found numerous opportunities to find suitable partners. In later years, many children of German-born parents entered college which further increased their chances of finding American-born spouses. Interestingly, children of Turnverein members were more likely to marry among each other. The Preisach daughter married the Dingelstedt son; Jenny Walruff married John Isemann; Carrie Walruff married Charles Sutorius; and so forth. Children of Turner members shared their ethnic backgrounds as well as a similar social background. Many of them had grown up together and met in gymnastic classes and social functions of the club which familiarized them at an early age. They grew up more closely bound to German traditions since their parents were members of a German club. Although most of them rejected German culture in their teens, they still sought for partners with similar experiences.

       Since the number of German immigrants declined in the early 1890s due to better social and economic situation in Germany, the very existence of German institutions and communities in the United States was threatened. The few German immigrants who entered the country were not enough to sustain German institutions which formed the nucleus of many German communities. By than, recruiting efforts of the state and the railroads had stopped trying to attract settlers into the state. So the few who came did not necessarily settle in Kansas but searched for work in the big cities. The dying out of many first-generation German immigrants and the tendency of second-generation German-Americans not to speak their parents' language and retain ethnic traditions led German communities into a crisis of existence. The struggle of German parents to preserve the German language and customs was undermined by their children's desire to assimilate. They were eager to become "real Americans." The small town setting of Lawrence gave German children opportunities to meet and wed native-born partners. Since small towns have a relatively familiar atmosphere, where people knew each other and got to know each other easier. Nevertheless, children of Turnverein members were likely to intermarry. Similar economic and social backgrounds created a basis for their partnership.

D: Lawrence German-Americans and World War I

       At a time when the Lawrence German community was already threatened by disintegration, World War I shattered the last hopes of its survival. Carl Wittke has compared the outbreak of the war to a "thunderclap from a cloudless sky." He stated that "for the German element in the United States it initiated a period of emotional crisis, conflicts of loyalties, misunderstandings, persecution, tragedy which few of their fellow citizens appreciated."| #32 | World War I certainly put pressures on German-American communities not known before.

       Foreign-language newspapers especially reflected their concerns for the difficult situation. As mentioned above (see, Die Germania), before the war years, most German-language papers echoed the hopes of German-Americans that the United States would continue to be neutral. According to Frederick Luebke,"some German-language papers printed fervent editorials pleading for peace and supplied form letters and telegrams in English for readers to copy and send to their congressmen." Other German-American communities sent peace delegations to Washington to demonstrate against the American entry into war.| #33 | Lawrence German-Americans shared the belief that a military conflict between the United States and Germany had to be avoided.

       When the struggle grew more serious, most Lawrence Germans knew that hard times lay ahead of them. They certainly felt sympathy for their relatives and friends in Germany, but nearly all of them had accepted the United Sates as their new home. Therefore, a great number of German-Americans throughout the United States felt obliged to demonstrate their loyalty. Many signed loyalty pledges and German social clubs and churches also declared their support for the United States.| #34 | Theresa Thueringer has stated that "according to Albach's son Robert and to Elfriede Fischer Rowe, whose father was a Lawrence businessman, the town more or less ignored the war until shortly before the United States' declaration in April 1917."| #35 | Leading businessmen such as Phillip Ernst, Otto Fischer or William Wiedemann probably used their influence and respect to quiet anti-German feeling in the first years of the conflict. Nevertheless, Rowe further remembered that her father, Otto Fischer, "had a strong desire to be American and not pro-German. Therefore, he told his family not to be pro-German because of their German background."| #36 |

       When the United States declared war on Germany in 1917, all dreams of a peaceful solution were scattered. Germans throughout the United States began to reject their German heritage, refused to speak the German language, canceled their subscription to German papers, opposed listening to German sermons, and even Anglicized their German-sounding names. The Muellers became the Millers, the Schmidts became the Smith and the Schuhmachers became the Shoemakers.

       On April 5, 1917, Lawrence held a loyalty demonstration which was designed to show the city's patriotism. Henry Albach was asked to give a speech which he opened with the words: "I have been requested by the committee to speak here tonight, not entirely as an individual citizen but as a representative of some one thousand of our citizens in our immediate city and county in whose veins flows German blood." In his speech, he pointed out the achievements of German citizens in the United States and Lawrence. "No, the German-Americans need no apology on the question of loyalty in the past, and it needs none now." He further described how his parents fled from Germany to look for freedom, and how he himself grew up among German relatives. He concluded his address by asking tolerance by his American audience because "in a war of this republic with Germany you are asking more of the Teutonic than of any other American, you demand a greater sacrifice of them."| #37 | Having watched how German settlers in Lawrence rejected their German heritage because they were afraid of being accused to support Germany's actions, Albach was aware that German immigrants felt that the war was especially hard on them.

       Henry Albach was a disputable figure in the Lawrence community. He saw himself as a spokesman of the German community, and as the editor of the German-language newspaper, Die Germania and of the Democrat, he certainly was a public figure in town. Others, on the other hand, saw him as too outspoken and disliked his self-appointed function as German representative. Albach's views on America's neutrality and his sympathy for German relatives and friends stirred the anger of many Lawrence Germans who wanted to be seen and represented by a "100-per-cent" American man.

       In the meantime, Attorney General Thomas Gregory had organized the American Protective League in March 1917 aimed against German Americans. 200,000 untrained, volunteer detectives all over the United States formed a network to feed the Justice Department with information about aliens and suspected disloyal citizens. The American Protective League members took oaths of office and carried badges. They conducted hundreds of thousands of investigations throughout the United States. Although the League failed to catch one single spy "it succeeded in creating a climate in which persons with German names or accent or of German birth were objects of suspicion and alarm."| #38 | Local residents took it upon themselves to find German spies, and articles in the Lawrence newspaper, such as : "Be on guard. ... Every German or Austrian in the United States, unless known by years of association to be absolutely loyal should be treated as a potential spy. Keep your eyes and ears open," extended the national hysteria to Lawrence.| #39 |

       On Flag Day 1917, President Wilson himself assured the nation that American communities had been filled "with vicious spies and conspirators to corrupt the opinion of our people. German agents, he charged, have delinquently spread sedition among us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance."| #40 | Newspapers around the country gladly related all incidents of German spy activities. In 1918, the Lawrence Daily Journal World reported an attempt by German agents to blow up the Bowersock power plant in Lawrence: "This may be a case where a miner accidentally left a stick of dynamite where it became mixed with coal, but following the destruction on many plants over the country, it looks more like the work of German agents."| #41 | Newspaper articles about German meanness fed the panic, and left German-born citizens in an uncomfortable position.

       German humiliation in Kansas reached its peak when German-born immigrants had to be registered for the Alien Registration Records in 1917. By a presidential proclamation, "all natives, citizens, or subjects of the German Empire, being male 14 years and upwards who are not now naturalized as Americans are required to register as "alien enemies." One year later, in June 1918, all German-born females or those American women who were married to unnaturalized Germans, also had to go to Topeka and register. The registration included the person's date and place of birth, his/her parent's name and place of birth, signature, photograph and fingerprints, and detailed information on all connections to Germans in Germany. More degrading was that in case any registered person wanted to move to another town, they were required to submit a written request for permission to leave the area.| #42 | Furthermore, their right to vote was withdrawn from them.

       Although the Lawrence Daily Journal World expressed its sympathy for "a large number of fine old German men and women," German-Americans were deeply hurt by the government's action.| #43 | Most of them had been in the United States for many years, but had not completed their naturalization. With the first set of naturalization papers, the immigrant was given the right to vote which was the main interest of all immigrants. Therefore, not everybody completed the naturalization process, and those who had not were forced to register as "alien enemies." Sixty-seven men and women of Lawrence had to register. Most of them had entered the United Sates in the early 1880s which means that they had been in the United States for nearly forty years by the time of registration.

       Furthermore, the Espionage and the Trading-with-the Enemy Acts imposed restrictions on the German-language press. The first gave permission to postal inspectors "to determine what printed matter was seditious or treasonable" and withdrew mailing privileges from these publishers. The latter ruled that German-language newspapers had to supply English translations of articles regarding the United States government.| #44 | These laws limited German-language papers in many ways, and caused the death of a great number of them (see, Die Germania).

       Anti-German feelings in Lawrence and Douglas County also were manifested. In Willows Springs township, for example, a German Lutheran minister was tarred and feathered because "he refused to conduct his church services in English and did not promote the Liberty Bond sales and Red Cross donations."| #45 | In Eudora, Adolf Lutz's business was painted yellow in 1918 which was a common harassment to denounce someone who was pro-German. On June 20, 1918, the Lawrence Daily Journal World printed the following response of Lutz:

When I came to this country over thirty years ago, I came with the intention of making this country my home. [sic] I have tried honestly to live up to the laws of our country all the time and when the United states became involved in the present war, I never shirked or refused a call to help whatever way I could in giving my time and money for whatever purpose it was needed. I made the statement over and over again to Germans and Americans alike that since our country is in war with Germany, anybody who had any leanings toward his former home must put them aside and take the only proper stand. The stand for America and America alone. If this action brands me disloyal, and subject to attacks, I would like to know what I should do?| #46 |

       Many German-Americans were puzzled with the question of what to do since they were caught between their emotional ties to Germany and their loyalty to the United States. Many labored harder than any other Americans to prove to their neighbors and friends that they were "real Americans." Lawrence Germans sacrificed their language, German-language newspaper, and their German Methodist Episcopal Church to demonstrate their "Americaness." Many German-American families tried to "make up" for their German heritage and became super-patriots by selling and buying Liberty bonds and supporting Red Cross efforts.| #47 |

       Local historians have attributed the suicide of William Wiedemann to anti-German-feelings in Lawrence. Wiedemann was the owner of a popular ice-cream and candy factory in Lawrence. In 1919, he shot himself. According to Theresa Thueringer, he left a note behind saying that "this is what propaganda has done. ... This is my country and my home. I am not pro-German and I am a citizen of the United States. ... My friends look and talk as if I were not true to this country, and in a town where I have lived for sixty-two years and we have helped the government, have bought bands and saving stamps."| #48 | It is certainly arguable whether World War I was really the reason for Wiedemann's suicide. It might have been one more factor that led to it. Wiedemann also suffered from depression, and had never recovered from the death of his son ten years earlier.| #49 | But it still demonstrates the pressures individuals felt in Lawrence.

       During the war years, the atmosphere in Lawrence was filled with suspicion and fear. By 1917, national efforts had been made to discredit the German language, a sure sign of pro-German feelings. German was banished from the elementary school curriculum. High school and university students were discouraged from studying German. Several states totally prohibited the use of "enemy language" in any of their schools, leaving a number of German-language teachers unemployed. German churches which still used German in their services, were widely attacked as disloyal. Furthermore, Luebke states that " property owned by German aliens was also subjected to governmental control. Aliens were required by law to surrender records of their businesses to the custodian of alien property, who was than to determine if the United States was endangered by continual management of the property by the enemy allies."| #50 | When men were needed to fight in the United States army, Douglas County sent more than its quota of volunteer-soldiers. A number of them were second-generation German-Americans, among them three sons of Otto Fischer and both Albach boys.

       World War I had a devastating effect on the German-American community of Lawrence. At a time when German-born immigrants were dying out and second-generation German-Americans refused to carry on their parent's ethnic culture, the remaining community was forced to abandon three of the four institutions which had been crucial for the activities of German-Americans in Lawrence. The national and local accusations of pro-Germanism led to the discontinuation of the German-language paper Die Germania, the German Methodist Episcopal Church and, in a broader context, the Turnverein. Die Germania suffered the death of many German-language papers at the time. Its editor, Henry Albach lacked the support from other German-American citizens who turned away from him due to his sympathy for Germany. The German Methodist Church refused to confront the problem, and disbanded as early as 1918. Although the Turnverein existed after the war, no new members were accepted into the club after 1918. As its members became older, it lost many of its gymnastic and social functions and, therefore, its importance in the community. Without meeting places and means to inform community members about activities, the German-Americans in Lawrence became silent. Although the Turner Hall in Lawrence is still standing, the German community of Lawrence has disappeared.

Abstract | Introduction | Chapter 1 | Chapter 2 | Chapter 3 | Chapter 4 | Chapter 5 | Conclusion | Appendix | Bibliography